Which Jewish communities prioritize their day schools?

Nearly every federation sends its day schools something. The question is who treats the school as a priority, and the tax filings give a clear answer: the smallest Jewish communities in America put four times as much per person into their schools as the largest ones, and in a handful of towns the federation check still decides what kind of year the school will have.

Which communities put their schools at the top of the list?

The list is not the one you would guess

Every federation files a public list of the grants it makes. We read all of them, sorted the Jewish day schools out by name, and read each federation together with its own foundation arm. That gives 35 communities. The measure is simple: out of every dollar a community granted to anyone, how much went to its day schools.

In the chart below each row is one community, ranked by where it stands today. The pale dot is its share in 2014 to 2016 and the yellow dot is 2022 to 2024, and the line connecting them carries the direction: green where the community raised its schools' share over the decade, pink where it pulled back. The number in the right-hand column is the community's Jewish population.

Read down the population column as you go.

Day school grants as a share of everything a community gives

35 communities, federation and foundation arm read together. Constant dollars.

2014 to 2016 2022 to 2024 raised its schools' share pulled back
Omaha is at the top with 19.3 percent, and 8,800 Jews. Milwaukee is third with 18.3 percent and 25,800. Now run your eye down to the bottom of the chart and read those populations instead: Boston 248,000, San Francisco 310,600, Philadelphia 351,100. Broward County, second from the top, is the exception that proves the rule going the other way: its pale dot sits at 39.7 percent, further right than any yellow dot on the chart, and it has more than halved.
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Is that a real difference or a trick of the ranking?

Small communities give four times as much per person

Share of a budget can mislead, because a small federation has a small budget. The fairer test is dollars, divided by the number of Jews in the community, so a big city and a small one can be compared on the same footing.

One definition matters here. The denominator is every Jewish resident of the community, every man, woman and child, whether or not anyone in their household is enrolled anywhere. It is a measure of communal effort, of what the whole community carries per member. What the money amounts to per enrolled student, a much larger figure, is the subject of the section after this one.

The chart below plots every one of the 35 communities as a dot, sorted into three columns by Jewish population. Height is day school spending per Jewish resident per year, in today's dollars. The yellow stroke through each column is that group's median community.

Compare the yellow strokes first, then find Buffalo before you leave the first column.

Day school dollars per Jewish resident, community by community

Average of FY2022 to FY2024, constant 2024 dollars. Per Jewish resident of the community, not per enrolled student. Yellow stroke marks each group's median.

The median community under 50,000 Jews spends $46 a year on its day schools for every Jewish resident, enrolled or not. Over 150,000, the median is $12, and that is the four-fold gap in the standfirst. The spread inside each column is the second finding. Greensboro, 3,000 Jews, puts in $138 a head while Buffalo, 11,000, puts in under $4, and mid-size Detroit and Cleveland outspend nearly everyone. Being small makes the high numbers possible. It does not make them happen.
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One honest correction to make here. This is not new, and it is not a surge. The rank correlation between a community's population and its per-person school spending is minus 0.46 today, the strongest relationship anywhere in this data, and a decade ago it was minus 0.56, slightly stronger still. If anything the small-community advantage has eased. The right description is that this is how it has always been, and that nothing in the intervening decade changed it.

What does $46 a head actually buy?

In a few towns a school's budget. In most, a gesture.

Per-person spending is still an abstraction, so follow the same money to the other end, into the budget of the school that receives it. The Heshbon project collects budgets for about ninety Jewish day schools, and roughly forty of them can be matched by name to the grants in the federation filings. For each matched school the question becomes concrete: what share of everything this school spends in a year arrives from its federation? One definition to hold onto: federation money here means every grant from the community's federation and its foundation arm, including grants that individual donors directed out of donor-advised funds held there. A grant line in the filings does not say who made the decision, so these bars measure what the federation system delivers, not what an allocations committee chose.

At the median matched school the answer is about five percent, or $1,400 per enrolled child. The chart below shows why that median describes almost nobody. Each bar is one school, and the right-hand column is federation dollars per child.

Read the community names as you go down.

The federation's share of each school's operating budget

Matched schools, FY2024 federation grants against school budgets, mostly 2023-24.

The top of this chart is the first chart wearing different clothes: Milwaukee, Boston's part-funded schools, Cleveland, Cincinnati, Hartford, Pittsburgh. Milwaukee Jewish Day School runs on federation money to the tune of 23.7 percent of its budget, $6,273 a child, and the school's own filing confirms it: its reported budget matches the panel within two percent, and federation grants equal roughly half of everything the school raises in a year. At the bottom sit the big-city schools. Manhattan Day School gets $44 a child, Perelman in Philadelphia $21, and eight matched schools, in Detroit, Baltimore, Washington, Houston and Los Angeles among them, received nothing at all in FY2024. Wornick's grant, five times its prior year, may be a one-time transfer, and its budget reads larger in its own filing than in the school panel, so treat its bar as a ceiling.
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There is very little in between. A school either sits inside a community that budgets for it, in which case the head of school can plan around the allocation, or it receives a sum that rounds to a gesture. The aggregate statistics describe a middle that barely exists.

So why can a small community do what a large one cannot?

The table where someone decides is disappearing

The obvious explanations are demographic, and they fail. Rank the 35 communities by Orthodox presence, by Sunbelt geography, by how much of their money arrives in donor-advised funds, and none of it predicts school funding: every one of those correlations lands within 0.15 of zero, where roughly 0.33 would be needed to count as reliable across 35 communities. What leans the right way is structure. Communities that concentrate their giving on a short list of institutions fund schools more, and communities that still fund the same organizations they funded a decade ago fund schools more. Both describe an allocations committee: a fixed set of institutions, funded every year, with the school on the list. A small community can run that arrangement because it has one school, or two, and everyone at the table knows them. A federation serving 300,000 Jews across forty institutions becomes a platform instead, where the money follows whatever each donor picks, and day schools do badly there.

The national numbers show that machinery being dismantled in real time. Watch three series move together.

More schools, thinner slices, and nobody minding the whole

All 265 filing entities, FY2014 to FY2024, constant 2024 dollars. One-time transfers above $8m removed.

Schools receiving at least one grant rose 28 percent, from 485 to 619. The real median grant fell 21 percent, from $42,800 to $34,000, so the same real money is now spread across a quarter more schools in thinner slices. And the bureaus and central agencies of Jewish education, the bodies whose job was to look at all of a city's schools at once, lost 45 percent of their real funding; twelve of twenty-seven such agencies stopped receiving anything at all. The allocation table is not being outvoted. It is being unstaffed.
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Who decides is the part that changed. On the campaign side, federations cut day schools' share of their grants from 6.3 to 5.0 percent over the decade, while the foundation arms, the donor-advised side, held roughly level. One donor-advised sponsor in Manhattan, the Jewish Communal Fund, now carries a quarter of all federation-system day school dollars by itself. The money did not leave the category so much as it changed hands, from a committee that asks what the school needs this year to the aggregate of thousands of individual account holders whose median grant is $34,000.

Limits worth keeping in view. This measures share and per-person spending, not total dollars, so New York and Los Angeles rank low here while remaining among the largest day school funders in the country in absolute terms. Seven single grants above $8 million are removed throughout, each one many times what that funder gave that school in any other year, which is the shape of a property transfer rather than annual support. The school-budget panel is about forty matched schools and it is biased toward schools that receive something, since a school absent from every grant file cannot be matched. Budget denominators in the school chart come from the Heshbon panel; where a school's own 990 could be pulled for comparison, Milwaukee agrees within two percent while a few others report totals up to a tenth higher, so read each bar as good to a point or two rather than a decimal, and two of the high bars, Rashi and Shaloh House, belong to religious filers whose budgets cannot be checked against a public 990 at all. And St. Louis has filed a single line reading SEE ATTACHED DETAIL since 2021, so its community is a blank in all of this.

So: which communities prioritize their day schools?

The small ones, by a factor of four, and they always have. A community under 50,000 Jews puts $46 into its day schools each year for every Jewish resident, student or not, against $12 for a community over 150,000, and in Milwaukee that gap is a school that draws a quarter of its budget from the federation. The difference has nothing to do with how Orthodox a community is, where it sits, or how its money arrives. It has to do with whether anyone still sits at a table deciding what the school needs.

That is worth reading as good news, because it says the model still works somewhere. In Omaha, Milwaukee, Columbus, Memphis and Cleveland there is still a table where somebody asks what the school needs this year and the answer changes the school's budget. That table exists because the community is small enough to fit around it.

The harder question is whether it survives contact with scale, and the national series above suggest the direction of travel. More schools funded, thinner slices each, the central agencies going dark, and a quarter of the money now routed through a single donor-advised sponsor. Two communities of the same size, in the same region, with similar donors sit at opposite ends of this chart, so the number is a choice rather than a demographic fact. Buffalo and Omaha are both small. Only one of them decided the school was the point.

How this was made

Which Jewish communities prioritize their day schools?

Methodology and data companion · 2026 · Ḥeshbon · Center on Data and Jewish Life

Ḥeshbon

A data project on how Jewish life is paid for, published in full. Every figure comes from the underlying research, and where a chart simplifies a published result the piece says so.

Each piece here is published, with its own sources, sample sizes and limits stated in place. Percentages describe the samples observed, and several rest on small denominators, noted where they appear. Nothing here audits an individual institution. Aliyah figures are current as of August 2026, at roughly three shekels to the dollar, and Israeli tax and benefit rules move faster than that.